Introduction:
Elections are considered the foundation of democratic legitimacy and the mechanism that guarantees the peaceful transfer of political power. Elections give citizens the opportunity to choose their representatives and hold them accountable, given that elections are the basic component of any democratic system, directly linked to sustainable development through the intersection of voters’ interests with those of the prevalent political system.
While over the past 15 years, legislative elections were at best, irregular, and then completely absent, still Palestinians maintain the hope that local elections will be the means to overcome obstacles and eventually culminate in national elections. This is especially true since local elections are intrinsically linked to the Palestinian psyche as a means of defiance to the will of the Israeli occupation, which has been trying to impose municipal elections on the people since 1976. The goal of this was to create independent administrative districts that would directly negotiate with Israeli authorities. However, their efforts were in vain and the outcome was opposite to Israeli expectations because national leaders elected. These leaders were determined to honor the Palestinian identity and unity and reject all attempts to fragment this unity by isolating the population into geographic cantons.
In spite of unstable political circumstances and the lack of any horizon for a political solution, local elections were, for the most part, conducted on a regular basis. Only in the Gaza Strip have they not been held since the political division between Fatah and Hamas. Recently, a cabinet decision was passed on 6/9/2021 stipulating that elections would be held in two phases. The decision was criticized by civil society institutions, which opposed holding elections in phases, expressing their opposition by shunning their civic duty of monitoring elections.
Later, the Central Elections Commission [CEC] announced the end of phase one of local council elections in the West Bank in “Category C” village and town councils. The elections included 154 local councils, which ended in voting between two or more lists. Another 162 local councils were voted in by acclamation of one list and 62 councils presented either no list or an incomplete list, which was put to review by the Ministry of Local Government.
According to CEC data, the first phase of the 2021 local council elections showed the extent of women candidates in competing lists. Results indicated that the percentage of women who won through voting in lists was 20.5% and the overall percentage in all local councils (voting and acclamation) was 21.8%, which reflects a slight increase in the percentage of the women’s quota. This points to the importance of the quota, which maintained the presence of women in local councils, especially since there are many councils in Bethlehem for example, which refused to present a list on the premise of their rejection of women’s participation.
As for youth participation, according to CEC data, the percentage of youth between the ages of 25-35 was 21.7%; between 36-45 the percentage was 27.4%, between 46-55 it was 28.6% and those above 55 was 22.3%. It should be noted that the age of youth, according to the UN, is between 18-29 while the candidacy age in Palestine is still at 25 for local councils. The closest percentage to this was 21.7% up to 35 years of age, which drops to 19.4% in councils where elections were held, followed by 24.5% for the 36-45 age bracket.
Nine women head lists
Local council elections in Palestine only had nine lists headed by women, four of which ran. These were the “Tanmiya ou Tawtir List” in Deir Al Assal, in the Hebron district, “Al Amal Al Mushriq” in Qira, in the Salfeet district, “Al Wifaq Al Watani” in Beit Liqya, in the Ramallah-Al Bireh district, “Kafa’at Huwwara Al Ghad” in Huwwara, in the Nablus district and “Qadirat” in Burqin, in the Jenin district. The factional lists headed by women included the “Change and Building’ List in Zuwata, in the Nablus district, Fatah’s “Liberation and Building” Bloc in Dar Salah, in the Bethlehem district, Fatah’s “Liberation and Building list” in Kufr Zibad, in the Tulkarem district and the Beit Fujjar Tajmauna list in the Beit Fujjar district, which belongs to the Palestinian Popular Struggle Front.
Analysis:
- According to CEC data published in December 2021, the percentage of women candidates during the first phase of local elections was 24%, while women who won in electoral lists that competed for “Category C” local and village council seats was 20.5%. It should be noted here that 23% of women won their seats by acclamation, which indicates that women only maintained the minimum ceiling of the quota, which is 21.8% in electoral lists. This also indicates to the importance of a women’s quota in keeping women in local council seats and on their board.
Women in election campaigns
- This factsheet focuses on how visible women candidates’ pictures were in electoral lists. In numbers, women candidates were visible at a rate of around 28% in lists and electoral campaigns, with the Bethlehem district scoring the highest percentage at 60%, followed by Tulkarem at 56%. Meanwhile, some lists running in the elections in certain districts scored 0.0%; that is, a total absence of women’s pictures in their campaigns.
- These percentages indicate that we have a cultural problem with the image of women in social and political roles. The numbers show just how absent women’s images are in election campaigns for reasons associated with the local culture, which preferences the absence of women’s pictures.
- The continued violation of women candidates’ rights was another main reason for the absence of women’s photos during the election campaigns. Male candidates and list supporters absented women’s pictures by instead highlighting male community figures without consideration to the presence of female candidates. The CEC received several complaints in this regard.
- Some explanations as to why women’s pictures were not highly visible during the first phase of elections was that these elections were held in small and marginalized population areas, which therefore remained outside the circle targeted by CSO awareness-raising campaigns on the political participation of women and youth. This allowed for conservative thinking to take hold, which rejects the presence of women. Instead, these areas focused only on adapting to the requirements of the local elections law.
Women in competing electoral lists
- Some lists claimed that the presence of women in the lists vying for local council seats was somewhat superficial in that their names were included only to complete the requirements of the list and not as political or social agents.
- A mapping of the lists pointed to an absence of women heading electoral lists except in four cases. In spite of this positive progress, women continue to be the exception rather than the rule in imposing their presence as community leaders. Meanwhile, only 3% of women held the second seat on councils, with seat five being the highest percentage for women representation where it comprised 30% of the lists.
Recommendations:
- The absence of binding legal texts to regulate local election campaigns has allowed for the prevalent culture and conservative approaches to take hold, leading to women’s images being blocked in the campaigns. The Elections Law is devoid of any stipulations obligating lists to portray pictures of female candidates during their campaigns, which makes it imperative to introduce legal amendments that would guarantee equal visibility for all candidates, irrespective of gender, in addition to considering it a violation to block the image of any candidate.
- Much effort has been made by CSOs, political parties and legal persons to press for voluntary obligation of lists to publish the pictures of female candidates and not to infringe on their rights in the election campaigns. These efforts are represented in the CEC-issued codes of conduct and honor to ensure that candidates’ rights are not tampered with. However, in spite of this, there is still a huge gap regarding the voluntary commitment of these lists to the codes.
- The failure to more widely publish these codes of conduct and honor – the most recent being the code of conduct to combat infringement on women’s rights in local elections – has thrown the door wide open to practices that violate women candidate’s rights during the campaigns. These include smear campaigns against female candidates and hate speech directed against them, in addition to blocking their pictures.
- Passing laws that guarantee the necessary measures to preserve the rights of women candidates during the election campaigns, which in turn would provide equal spaces for male and female candidates without discrimination. This is in addition to taking the necessary measures to curtail violations, discrimination and threats to the personal safety of candidates.
- Promoting civil discourse as a practical condition of the democratic process, of which elections are considered one of its most important tools. The discourse would be based on respect for the values of pluralism, differences and non-discrimination on the basis of gender or cultural, social or religious background.
- The meager presence of women in the ordering of lists within the first four seats (most were in seats 5 and 9) is a reflection of the lack of recognition of women’s leadership roles at the political and social levels and within the context of women’s involvement in governance. This calls for a legal amendment that promotes equality and non-discrimination in list orders and protects the presence of women at a minimum of 30%.
- A legal text must be formulated, based on equality in list orders according to gender, which guarantees representation and a real presence of women in local councils.
To view the Full Factsheet as PDF
الانتخابات المحلية في مرحلتها الأولى 'حضور النساء في القوائم والدعاية الانتخابية'
تاريخ النشر: 30/12/2021
بقلم: مفتاح
مقدمة:
تعتبر الانتخابات أساس الشرعية الديمقراطية والألية التي تضمن التداول السلمي للسلطة السياسية، فالانتخابات تمنح المواطنين فرصة اختيار ممثليهم واخضاعهم للمساءلة والمحاسبة، كون الانتخابات عنصراً أساسياً لأي نظام ديمقراطي يرتبط بشكل مباشر بالتنمية المستدامة من خلال تشابك مصالح الناخبين بمصالح النظام السياسي القائم.
وفلسطينياً، على الرغم من عدم انتظام الانتخابات التشريعية وغيابها لأكثر من خمسة عشر عاماً، يأمل الفلسطينيون أن تكون الانتخابات المحلية طريقاً لتذليل العقبات ويؤدي لعقد الانتخابات على المستوى الوطني، خاصة أنّ الانتخابات المحلية ترتبط بالوجدان الفلسطيني كتحدي لإرادة الاحتلال الإسرائيلي الذي حاول فرضها خلال انتخابات البلديات للعام 1976، وهدف من خلالها استحداث مناطق إدارية مستقلة تتفاوض مباشرة مع سلطات الاحتلال، ولكن النتائج جاءت على النقيض من توقعات الاحتلال حينها، حيث تم انتخاب قيادات وطنية عازمة على صون الهوية الفلسطينية ووحدتها ورافضة لكل محاولات التجزئة واختزال قضية شعب في بقع جغرافية مجزأة.
وبقيت الانتخابات المحلية على الرغم من الظروف السياسية غير المستقرة، وانعدام الأفق لحل سياسي، تجري بشكل منتظم في أغلب الأحيان، مع تغييب إجرائها في قطاع غزة منذ الانقسام السياسي بين حركتي فتح وحماس. وفي العام 2021 صدر قرار مجلس الوزراء بتاريخ 6/9/2021 ينص على إجراء الانتخابات المحلية على مرحلتين، وواجه هذا القرار انتقادات ومعارضة من قبل مؤسسات المجتمع المدني، والتي عبّرت عن موقفها الرافض لتجزئة الانتخابات ومقاطعة مسؤوليتها اتجاه إجرائها والتي تتلخص في الرقابة على الانتخابات.
أعلنت لاحقاً لجنة الانتخابات المركزية عن انتهاء المرحلة الأولى من انتخابات الهيئات المحلية في الضفة الغربية في الهيئات المصنّفة ج ومجالس قروية فقط، وشملت الانتخابات 154 هيئة محلية وصلت لمرحلة الاقتراع للحسم بين قائمتين وأكثر، بينما انتهت 162 هيئة محلية بالتزكية بقائمة واحدة، و62 هيئة محلية لم تقدم أي قائمة أو قدمت قائمة غير مكتملة لم يتم قبولها، وسيتم البت في أمرها من خلال وزارة الحكم المحلي.
شهدت الانتخابات المحلية في مرحلتها الأولى للعام 2021 حسب بيانات لجنة الانتخابات المركزية تسجيل نسب تتعلق بما حققته النساء المرشحات في القوائم المتنافسة. حيث دلت النتائج على أن نسبة النساء اللواتي فزن من خلال عملية الاقتراع بين القوائم المتنافسة كانت 20.5%، والنسبة الإجمالية في كل الهيئات المحلية "اقتراع أو تزكية" 21.8%، ما يعكس نسبة الكوتا النسوية بزيادة حسابية بسيطة جداً، ما يعطي مؤشراً على أهمية الكوتا التي حافظت على تواجد النساء في الهيئات المحلية، خاصة أن هناك إحدى الهيئات في بيت لحم على سبيل المثال رفضت تقديم قائمة لعدم قبولها منطق وجود النساء في القائمة.
أما فيما يتعلق بالشباب، فقد بلغت نسبة الشباب حسب بيانات لجنة الانتخابات المركزية تواجدهم ما بين 25-35 عاماً بنسبة 21.7%، وما بين 36-45 عاماً 27.4%، وما بين 46-55 عاماً بنسبة 28.6%، 22.3% لمن هم فوق ألـ 55 عاماً. وتجد الإشارة إلى أن عمر الشباب حسب الأمم المتحدة يقع بين 18 – 29 عاماً فقط، ولكن عمر الترشح في فلسطين لا يزال مقيّداً بـ 25 عاماً للهيئات المحلية، وأقرب نسبة إلى ذلك تكون 21.7% حتى عمر 35 عاماً، والتي تنخفض إلى 19.4% في الهيئات التي جرت فيه الانتخابات، تليها نسبة 25.3% ما بين 36-45 عاماً.
9 نساء يرأسن القوائم،
شهدت انتخابات الهيئات المحلية في فلسطين تواجد 9 قوائم فقط ترأسها النساء 4 منهن خاضت الانتخابات، وكانت القوائم المستقلة هي "التنمية والتطوير في دير العسل بمحافظة الخليل، الأمل المشرق في قيرة بمحافظة سلفيت، الوفاق الوطني في بيت لقيا بمحافظة رام الله والبيرة، الكفاءات لحوارة الغد في حوارة بمحافظة نابلس، وقائمة قادرات في برقين بمحافظة جنين"، أما القوائم الحزبية التي ترأسها النساء، فكانت قائمة التغيير والبناء في زواتا بمحافظة نابلس، وكتلة التحرير والبناء في دار صلاح بمحافظة بيت لحم وهي قائمة لحركة فتح، قائمة البناء والتحرير في كفر زيباد بمحافظة طولكرم وهي قائمة لحركة فتح، وقائمة كتلة بيت فجار تجمعنا في بيت فجار بمحافظة بيت لحم لجبهة النضال الشعبي الفلسطيني.
تحليل:
- ,وفقاً لبيانات لجنة الانتخابات المركزية المنشورة ، كانون الأول للعام2021، بلغت نسبة النساء المتقدمات للترشح خلال الانتخابات المحلية في مرحلتها الأولى 25%، بينما شكلت النساء اللواتي فزن 20.5% من القوائم الانتخابية التي تنافست على مقاعد البلديات والمجالس القروية المصنفة "ج". تجدر الإشارة هنا إلى أن 23% هي نسبة النساء اللواتي تسلمن مقاعدهن بالتزكية، مما يدلل على أن النساء احتفظن بالحدود الدنيا لنسبة الكوتا وهي 21.8% من القوائم الانتخابية، ويدلل على أهمية الكوتا النسوية في الحفاظ على حضور النساء على مقاعد الهيئات الإدارية للمجالس والبلديات.
ظهور النساء في الدعاية الانتخابية
- تركّز هذه الورقة على نسبة ظهور صور المرشحات في القوائم الانتخابية، حيث تشير
النسب المئوية لظهور المرشحات بنسبة 28% تقريباً في القوائم والدعاية الانتخابية شكّلت
محافظة بيت لحم أعلاها بنسبة 60%، تليها محافظة طولكرم 56%، في حين حصلت بعض
القوائم التي ترشحت للانتخابات في بعض المحافظات على نسبة 0.0%، مشكّلاً غياباً كاملاً
لصور النساء في الدعاية الانتخابية.
- تشير النسب إلى أنه ما زالت لدينا مشكلة ثقافية بتصور دور المرأة المجتمعي
والسياسي، حيث أظهرت الأرقام حجم غياب صور المرشحات عن القوائم الانتخابية خلال
الحملات الدعائية، لأسباب ارتبطت بغالبها إلى الثقافة المحلية والتي تفضل عدم إظهار صور
النساء المرشحات.
- ظهرت خلال فترة الدعاية الانتخابية منافسة بين القوائم على حجب صور المرشحات
النساء وإن كانت هذه القوائم متقبّلة لظهورهن، وذلك لاعتبارات ثقافية تعكس مدى انسجام
الدعاية الانتخابية مع الثقافة المحلية.
- يعود تغييب صور النساء في القوائم أيضاً لأسباب سياسية، حيث أن بعض القوائم
الانتخابية محسوبة على تيارات دينية، تحمل في طيات فكرها السياسي معتقدات كتحريم ظهور
صور النساء في الدعاية الانتخابية، على الرغم من ارتباط هذه الانتخابات في إدارة الشأن
العام والذي يتطلب حضور النساء المرشحات للقيام بمهامهن كعضوات منتخبات لدى مجالس
وهيئات الحكم المحلي.
- شكل استمرار انتهاك حقوق المرشحات أيضاً أحد الأسباب الرئيسية وراء حجب صور المرشحات خلال الدعاية الانتخابية، حيث قام المرشحون ومناصرو القوائم الانتخابية بتغييب صور النساء من خلال إبراز الشخصيات المجتمعية الذكورية دون اعتبار لحضور المرشحات، كما وتلقت لجنة الانتخابات المركزية العديد من الشكاوى في هذا الإطار.
حضور النساء في القوائم الانتخابية المتنافسة
- أشارت بعض القوائم إلى أن حضور النساء في القوائم التي تنافست على مقاعد المجالس
المحلية في المرحلة الأولى كانت إلى حدٍ بعيد شكلية بمعنى أنه تم إدراج أسمائهنّ ضمن
القوائم لاستكمال متطلبات القائمة وليست كفاعلات سياسياً أو اجتماعياً.
- يشير مسح القوائم إلى تغييب النساء عن ترؤس القوائم الانتخابية إلا في حالات قليلة شكّلت 4 قوائم من مجموع القوائم المتنافسة، وعلى الرغم من التقدم الإيجابي في هذا الجانب إلا أنّ النساء ما زلن يتحركن في نطاق الاستثناء دون العادة في تكريس حضورهن كقيادات مجتمعيات في مجتمعاتهن المحلية. في حين شكّل المقعد الثاني الذي شغلته النساء ما نسبته 3%، وكانت النسبة الأعلى هي للرقم الخامس في ترتيب القوائم حيث شغلت النساء 30% منه في القوائم الانتخابية.
توصيات:
- إن غياب النصوص القانونية الملزمة والضابطة للحملات الدعائية للانتخابات المحلية ترك
المجال لتحكم الثقافة السائدة والتوجهات المتشددة إلى التحكم في حجب صور النساء من عدمها
خلال الانتخابات المحلية في مرحلتها الأولى، إذ أن قانون الانتخابات يخلو من أي نص يلزم
القوائم بنشر صور المرشحات في حملاتها الدعائية، لذا فإن من الضروري إدراج تعديلات
قانونية من شأنها أن تضمن عدالة ظهور المرشحة بشكل متساوي وعادل كباقي المرشحين
بعض النظر عن الجنس وان عدم الظهور المفترض ان يشكل مخالفة للقائمة.
- على الرغم من الجهود التي بذلتها المؤسسات الأهلية والأحزاب السياسية والشخصيات
الاعتبارية في الضغط لدعم الالتزام الطوعي للقوائم في نشر صور المرشحات وعدم المساس
بحقوقهن في الحملات الدعائية، وذلك من خلال التوقيع على مواثيق الشرف ومدونة السلوك
لعدم المساس بحقوق المرشحات والتي صدرت مؤخراً عن لجنة الانتخابات المركزية، إلا أنه
ما زالت هناك فجوة كبيرة في التزام هذه القوائم بالشكل الطوعي.
- عدم النشر لهذه المواثيق أو مدونات السلوك "وآخرها مدونة سلوك مناهضة المساس
بحقوق المرأة في الانتخابات المحلية" على نطاق واسع أبقى الباب مفتوحاً على مصراعيه
للممارسات التي تتعلق بانتهاك حقوق المرشّحات خلال الحملات الدعائية تمثل في الهجوم على
المرشّحات من خلال حملات التشويه ونشر خطاب الكراهية، بالإضافة إلى حجب صورهن.
- سن قوانين تضمن اتخاذ الإجراءات اللازمة للحفاظ على حقوق المرشحات خلال الدعاية
الانتخابية والتي من شأنها توفير المساحات العادلة للمرشحين والمرشحات دون تمييز، واتخاذ
الاجراءات اللازمة للحد من الانتهاكات والتمييز وتهديد الأمن الشخصي للمرشحات.
- تعزيز حضور الخطاب المدني كأحد شروط العملية الديمقراطية والتي تعد الانتخابات أحد
أهم أدواتها، حيث يرتكز الخطاب على احترام قيم التعددية والاختلاف وعدم التمييز على أساس
الجنس أو الخلفية الثقافية أو الاجتماعية أو الدينية كمقوّمات أساسية للعملية الانتخابية.
- الحضور الخجول للنساء في ترتيب القوائم ضمن المقاعد الأربعة الأولى (الأغلب كان
الترتيب 5 و9)، وهذا انعكاس لغياب الاعتراف بالدور القيادي على المستوى السياسي
والاجتماعي للنساء في المجتمع الفلسطيني وفي إطار انخراط النساء في الحكم. وهذا يستدعي
بالضرورة اجراء تعديل قانوني بحيث يعزز من المساواة وعدم التمييز في ترتيب القوائم وبما
يحقق حماية لوجود النساء ب 30% بالحد الأدنى بالنتيجة.
- يجب أن يتم تحديد نص قانوني يستند إلى معيار المساواة في ترتيب القوائم وفقاً للجنس بما يكفل تمثيل وحضور حقيقي للنساء في الهيئات المحلية.
للاطلاع على ورقة الحقائق بصيغة PDF
Sexual violence as a weapon of genocide
Date posted: October 09, 2024
By MIFTAH
Background
Since the beginning of its illegal occupation in 1967, Israel has detained over 1 million Palestinians, who are tried in Israeli military courts with a conviction rate close to 100%. Israel also detains Palestinians with no charge or trial for an indefinite period under so-called “administrative detention”. This policy of mass arbitrary arrest is one of the tools used to maintain Israel's illegal occupation, apartheid regime and settler-colonial project.
To date, over 10,400 Palestinians have been arbitrarily arrested since October, 2023. The conditions of Palestinian prisoners have significantly deteriorated since the beginning of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, and imprisoned Palestinians are being subjected to torture, starvation, violent cell raids, including with tear gas, deliberate medical negligence, denial of food, water, sanitary pads and sanitation, as well as denial of lawyers and family visits.
Despite the absolute prohibition of torture and ill-treatment under international law, Israeli occupation forces and prison authorities employ various torture and ill-treatment techniques against almost all Palestinian political prisoners and detainees, including women and children, leaving grave physical and psychological damage. Israeli prison authorities, occupation forces and interrogators feel emboldened to commit such acts of torture with full impunity, knowing that neither the complicit Israeli legal system nor the international community will hold them accountable.
While sexual violence against Palestinian women and men has long been a tactic of torture at Israeli military checkpoints, during raids on their own homes and inside prisons, it has rapidly increased since the start of the genocide in Gaza. Palestinian women are often hesitant to share such stories, in fear of the associated social stigma, something which Israel exploits, and also due to the belief that Israel’s crimes will go unpunished.
Access the full factsheet here.
Healthcare Restricted: Female Cancer Patients in Gaza
Date posted: June 07, 2023
By MIFTAH
Background:
The Israeli-imposed siege and the frequent aggressions targeting medical facilities in Gaza have debilitated the health sector and its capacity to provide proper medical services. This is exacerbated in cases of chronic diseases, which gives rise to a need to leave the Gaza Strip to receive medical treatment in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, or elsewhere. However, Israel imposes a strict and discriminatory permit regime, which has a disproportionate impact on medical patients given their conditions, and it is not unusual for these permits to be significantly delayed or ultimately refused by Israel.
The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) collected questionnaires from 102 women diagnosed with cancer in the Gaza Strip to assess the quality of the treatment, availability of equipment, accessibility, and referral process.
The full report is accessible here.
Conclusion and recommendations:
The 16-year-long Israeli-imposed blockade and closure on Gaza have had detrimental impacts on the health sector in the besieged Strip. Specifically, the siege has compromised the ability of the healthcare sector to deliver proper medical services due to the absence of crucial medication, equipment, and supplies under flimsy security pretexts. Ultimately, frequent aggressions and targeting of health facilities and the Israeli-imposed siege on Gaza compromise the availability, accessibility, and quality of healthcare services available to Palestinians in Gaza.
MIFTAH urges the international community to:
- Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;
- Exert pressure to lift the blockade on the Gaza Strip and allow for the free movement of people and goods;
- Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;
- Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.
The summary factsheet is accessible here.
Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill
Date posted: May 17, 2023
By MIFTAH
The legislation of the family protection bill is aimed at the protection of the family itself as an institution, and to guarantee its preservation. Palestinian legislators are aware of the importance of this bill, which is why all ministries and official institutions committed to developing its relevant programs, policies and plans, each according to their field of expertise. Their goal is to contribute to the promotion of a culture that combats domestic violence and encourages the response of public policies to this objective, through education, health, legislation and the media. Another objective is to track the bill’s impact and periodically assess it in cooperation with other civil societies. This paper focuses on some of the financial indicators pertaining to this bill.
All family members in Palestine are subjected to violence, including children, minors, women and men. However, married women remain the sector most vulnerable to domestic violence according to a 2019 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics survey. It said 29.4% of married women had been subjected to at least one type of violence by their husbands as opposed to 13% of men who had been subjected to violence by their wives, by their own confession. A total of 44.7% of individuals who have never been married have been subjected toviolence;7.6% of the elderly and 44.2% of children(12-17yearsold) were the victims of violence at the hands of one of their parents. Although a high percentage of women have been victims of violence from their spouse, a considerable percentage of these women, around 60.3% preferred to stay silent about the assault. Only a small percentage of women asked for help through official avenues; 2.9% went to a defence lawyer to file a lawsuit against their husbands, 1.3% went to the police or a family protection unit and 1.4% went to the centres for mental, social and legal aid.
Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill
| Article of Bill/Law by Decree | Relevant party | Estimated cost |
| Article(4) specialization of Ministry of Social Development: The Ministry, in cooperation with government and civil society organizations, provide the following services to victims of domestic violence: 1.Protection and fulfilment of needs of the victim; economically and socially empowering her and reintegrating her in society in order to preserve the family fabric, while ensuring not to equate the victim with the perpetrator. 2.Appointing protection counsellors in all directorates and qualifying them to deal with domestic violence cases 3.Providingsocial, psychological and legal experts to provide victim support 4.Ensuringthe provision of social, psychological, health and legal services to domestic violence victims in coordination with relevant parties. 5.Preparing rehabilitation programs for perpetrators of domestic violence crimes 6.Coordination and cooperation with government and civil society organizations to provide the necessary training for the enforcers of this law by decree. Preparing the necessary preventative plans and programs against domestic violence |
Ministry of Social Development | ILS12 million over 3 years on average of ILS4 million year, based on a study prepared by the Ministry of Social Development |
| Article 6: Family and Minors Protection Police: In accordance with the provisions of this bill/law by decree, a family and minor protection police will be established, with branches set up in all districts of the homeland. It’s specializations are the following: 1.Goingtothe place of the domestic violence incident when the informer states that the violence has occurred, is about to occur is ongoing; or in case of violation of a restraining order, even if the informer is not the victim 2.Providingfree 24-hourhotlinestohelp victims |
Palestinian police and Family and Minors Protection Department
Reform and Rehabilitation Centres Department |
ILS7.3 million/year (the study is based on the number of those working in the family and minors protection department and their mean salary)
ILS1.3 million/year (the study is based on the number of those working in reform and rehabilitation enters, which includes special sections for women boarders) |
| Article7: Family Protection Prosecution 1.In accordance with the provision of this bill/law by decree, a prosecution’s office will be established to follow up on domestic violence cases in all districts and will operate under the supervision of the Attorney General in accordance with penal measures in force. 2. This family protection prosecution office will promptly investigate domestic violence incidents while also preserving the privacy and dignity of the victim |
Family Protection Prosecution | ILS1.7 million, based on the number of relevant prosecution agents and their mean salaries |
| Article10: parties qualified to issue restraining orders 1.Restrainingorders will be issued by the following parties of their own accord: a. Family Protection Prosecution b. The presiding judge |
Presiding judges | ILS1.9 million, based on the number of judges and their mean salaries |
| Total expected estimated cost | ILS16.2 million |
The table above shows that the estimated and main additional cost of the Ministry of Social Development to be around ILS4 million a year, considering that the other parties (police, prosecution and courts) are currently carrying out their roles without fully allocating specialized departments for protection from violence. However, if these parties do allot specialized departments for protection from violence, overall costs will reach approximately ILS16.2 million. Nonetheless, even if this cost is incurred, it still only comprises a small part of public expenditures, approximately 0.1%. Overall public expenditures for 2022 amount to approximately ILS16.2 billion, which means the cost of passing this bill and implementing its provisions will not constitute financial burden on the general budget and will not be an obstacle to ratifying the law by decree.
Furthermore, it should be noted that while it is imperative to calculate some of the costs resulting from violence against women, the reaerate the high costs as well. The secret social costs, which impact society as a whole. Data from the Ministry of Social Development showed (see graph), that violence exercised against women has prompted around 60% of them to flee their homes. Also, 18% of them attempted suicide in addition to suffering from mental and physical illnesses, unwanted pregnancies or others. Calculating expenses incurred from violence is not an easy process and there are no national data or figures that can measure the impact violence has on the state’s general budget due to the prevalent mentality towards violence as an issue associated only with women. This is especially true when the conversation is about the indirect and intangible effects of violence, including:
Violations of human rights; negative social, economic and political impacts; working women who get sick and need to take sick leave; lack of focus and productivity; impact of violence on children and academic failure; the rise in the percentage of school dropouts among children; the rise in long-term unemployment rates; the percentage of homeless children who become a burden on society; government expenditures for medical treatment; safehouses; therapy; monitoring cases of violence against women; individual expenses for following up on legal cases and lawyer fees; loss of income because of repeated absence from work or inefficacy; social expenses resulting from the breakup of the family; expenses of training individuals on how to deal with cases of violence; expenses for issuing laws and legislation on the protection of women from violence.
Confirmation of the above is that the UN believes the economic, social and health costs of violence against women are, to a large extent, undocumented and unrecognized. However, these remain colossal, according to researchers, specialists and defenders of women’s rights.
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